Retail condominiums caused a stir in Markham’s local commercial development market when the concept first became popular in the early 1990s. Markham had empty lands suitable for this type of development, and Asian immigration was a growing trend in the region. A coincidence of both location and timing, Markham was attractive to developers interested in retail condominiums (developer interest A-M, 1997).

Retail condominium developments built in Markham (see Map 7.1) have been along major roads in commercially zoned lands, and not part of residential areas where the site might be part of the planned commercial hierarchy, such as in a Neighbourhood Commercial Area. Local ratepayer groups therefore did not react to most of these development proposals because although close to residential neighbourhoods, these malls were not located in what was perceived as primary shopping areas (resident A-M, 1997). Resident concerns were raised, however, over the parking and traffic impacts along major routes adjacent to their communities (planner B-M, 1996a).

In other communities, retail condominium proposals have sparked greater resident concern. In neighbouring Richmond Hill, for example, the local planning department ended up at the Ontario Municipal Board after rejecting an Asian mall development proposal for a site zoned as a "neighbourhood commercial" space. Concerned about the development’s density, parking pressures and other issues like garbage and odour, Richmond Hill planners and residents were able to convince the Board that the proposed development would not meet the function of "neighbourhood commercial" and therefore contravened their Official Plan (Landsmith Corporation, et.al. v. Town of Richmond Hill [1996]). Given the multicultural focus of this research, it is important to note that in this Richmond Hill case, the residents who opposed the development were ethnically Chinese. Dispelling the theory that retail condominium developments are exclusively an issue of clashing cultures, what was important in this case was the planned function of the site and the ability of such a development to meet that function. Where similar developments have been proposed in Markham, they too have been addressed by those involved as primarily a dispute over land use rather than culture --although as the case study in this research illustrates the two are sometimes not easily separated.

Even where retail condominiums are located outside residential communities, this new form of development presents many challenges for planners. Perhaps the most pervasive of these challenges has been that for many developers these developments are as much about real estate as they are about retail. As units are sold and not rented, there is the potential for a developer to profit regardless of whether or not the mall becomes commercially viable in the long-run. Moreover, there is often no planned tenant mix such as found in traditional malls, as units are sold to those who can afford to buy them. Should the mall fail to succeed, commercial purchasers are not legally protected under provincial condominium legislation like residential condominium purchasers are. Potentially:

There are also concerns amongst local planners that if retail units were sold to investors looking to fulfill an immigration requirement, they may have no interest in being active retailers and instead may leave the space vacant for a length of time that could threaten the commercial viability of the mall (Harris Hudema Consulting, 1994: 5). As one developer described a mall under construction:

While Markham planners were interested in letting market forces work themselves out, they were also conscious that if a particular commercial use failed it would hurt the surrounding business environment (planner B-M, 1996a).

As a means of coping with these challenges, Markham’s planning department commissioned an independent study to review the phenomenon of retail condominium development and make recommendations on market and planning issues (John Winter and Associates, 1994). The study recommended that retail condominiums be approved, arguing that it was "a new form of development, that adds to choice and diversity in the marketplace" (John Winter and Associates, 1994: 19). Markham planners agreed, although they discovered that there were no hard and fast rules in dealing with such a unique form of commercial development. Beyond asking the Province of Ontario to reform its condominium legislation, Markham chose to respond by letting market forces decide what was viable and what was not. Retail condominium developments were deemed a commercial alternative that Markham was going to remain open to -- just as it had with other "theme related" developments such as outlet malls or home improvement centres (interested party C-M, 1997). To a great extent, this strategy proved effective: of the 18 development projects that had submitted retail condominium applications to the planning department by the beginning of 1996, only 7 or 8 are likely to be, or have already been, built (planner B-M, 1997). As one planner explained:

A number of specific planning concerns have been associated with retail condominium developments, which Markham planners have tended to deal with on a site-specific basis. Given the regional draw of shoppers to these malls, they are said to create more traffic congestion than smaller, more locally-drawing shopping centres. Traffic is perceived as an even greater problem where several malls are located together. Parking is also a concern, as was the case with the first Asian mall built in Markham. Where parking requirements have been met with underground structures, further concerns about public safety have arisen. As well, given the large percentage of space allocated to restaurants, surrounding neighbourhoods have raised concerns about noise, odour and garbage.

For planners in Markham, retail condominium developments have been a controversial land use issue, and reflect the changing context within which they must operate. In a practical way, these developments challenged existing planning by-laws and regulations and forced planners to find ways to manage the impacts of this new, alternative commercial form. As each development application for a retail condominium has come in, Markham planners have focused on the potential impacts of the development and the requirements of the built form to meet their recently amended commercial and industrial zoning by-laws. They are working from the assumption that the market should bear what it can, provided proposed developments do not interfere with the planned function of commercial sites as stated in the Official Plan, or have adverse residential impacts. Seen as an emerging form of commercial development, retail condominiums continue to be cautiously observed -- they are considered a new and exciting, but ultimately untested, alternative development trend.

While Markham planners attempted to deal with Asian malls on a site-specific basis, local politicians were thrown into a battle that highlighted the fragility of the new multicultural relationships within Markham. A community that has undergone a rapid demographic shift, Markham has suffered some identifiable growing pains from its new-found diversity. Older residents look out into a community that no longer resembles the one they have spent their lives in, and newcomers are learning how to adapt to both a new community and a new country. As a Markham planner explained:

Increased Asian immigration and the development of Asian malls became a lightening rod for community tension and frustration in Markham during the summer of 1995. The controversy began when Deputy Mayor Carole Bell made some comments that offended many Markham residents. In trying to identify Markham’s strengths and weaknesses at a political retreat, she brought forward concerns that had been expressed to her by residents. Bell had warned her fellow Council members that a growing concentration of ethnic groups was causing conflict in some communities within Markham. She specifically spoke of the new retail developments that she claimed were marketing exclusively to the Chinese, with some stores having signs only in Chinese.

The response was mixed. The comments, and the Deputy Mayor’s refusal to apologize for them later, deeply offended many in Markham who accused her of racism. Other residents supported the Deputy Mayor for bringing a genuine community concern to the forefront. Reportedly some 400 residents stood and applauded the Councillor as she entered Council chambers during the height of the controversy in a show of public support (Belgrave, 1995). Concerned that her remarks were being misinterpreted in the media, however, Bell attempted to explain herself in an open letter to the editor in Markham’s local newspaper. She wrote:

Markham’s Race Relations Committee formally responded to the Deputy Mayor’s initial comments with a press release, affirming their opposition to racism or remarks that would be regarded as such. The Committee stated:

With the controversy gaining media coverage well beyond the municipality’s borders, a group of twelve mayors in the Greater Toronto Area weighed into the debate, signing a statement that condemned Bell’s remarks, stating that they shared "the outrage and disappointment of Chinese-Canadians" (DeMara, 1995).

The rapid growth of Markham and its changing demographic character both residentially and commercially had been sensitive issues in the community even before the Deputy Mayor’s comments (planner A-M, 1996), although it was her public statements that brought forward community frustrations that had until then never been explored so publicly. Given the ethnocultural diversity Markham residents were already coping with, the fact that this issue incited heated local debate is not surprising, nor is the politicization of a land use planning issue. What was unique was that this local planning issue helped push Markham into a battle that garnered local, national, and even some foreign media coverage.

Markham’s Mayor, Don Cousens, sought to diffuse tensions by inviting concerned members of the public to express their views before Council, but he did not condemn the Deputy Mayor’s right to make the statements she did, instead agreeing to disagree with her on this issue (Shackleton, 1995). Not everyone in Markham was happy with the Mayor’s position, believing that Council should have doused the controversy by dismissing Bell’s comments outright. As one local politician remembered:

Mayor Cousens organized a formal process intended to build bridges and increase harmony in Markham -- in September 1995 an Advisory Committee was created to draft a protocol for addressing multicultural issues in Markham. To select committee members, Council advertised in the local media an invitation for volunteers who were fair-minded, representative of Markham’s diversity, were community leaders and had good interpersonal skills. Of the one hundred and twenty-five applications, eleven Markham residents were selected to form the Committee with the Mayor, and three members of Council (Mayor’s Advisory Committee, 1996: 3-4).

In addition to drafting a protocol for addressing multicultural issues in Markham, the Committee was expected to develop recommendations to build harmony in Markham and provide opportunities for all community groups to participate in cross-cultural exchanges of view. Specifically, the Committee was to examine five related and contentious issues in the community: race relations; signage/language; cultural integration; demographics; and communications (Mayor’s Advisory Committee, 1996). During the Council meeting that issued the Advisory Committee’s directive, it was stated that: "the first step has already been taken. Council and the Community acknowledge that there is a problem. This gives all of us an opportunity to place the issues on the table open for discussion" (Mayor’s Advisory Committee, 1996: iii).

Predictably, the Advisory Committee was less about making concrete changes, and more about mending a political situation. The report the Advisory Committee tabled was optimistically entitled "Working Together Towards Better Understanding and Harmony in the Town of Markham" which, as its authors frankly stated, was just the beginning of the needed dialogue on diversity within the community (Mayor’s Advisory Committee, 1996: 21). Most of the recommendations in the report centred around calls for tolerance, increased communication between groups, and a wider distribution of the relevant information needed for dialogue. Given the cleavage that was exposed in Markham after the Deputy Mayor’s comments, the real success of the Advisory Committee may be that groups and individuals were able to come forward and express their concerns to a willing audience. As the Mayor stated in his preamble to the Advisory Committee’s report:

Mayor Cousens used the Advisory Committee as a forum to publicly support the multicultural character that had become a reality in Markham. After such a public controversy, however, some people in Markham believe that a continued challenge exists in de-linking Markham’s name from the word racism (Caspersen, 1996).

One interesting footnote to this story was the 1997 municipal election. Although Mayor Cousens won his seat again by a landslide (Van Rijn, 1997), the campaign re-opened the issue of racial tensions in Markham. A 26 year-old Chinese Canadian candidate ran against the incumbent mayor on a single issue platform of race relations. Reacting to Deputy Mayor Bell’s comments from the summer of 1995, the young would-be politician explained, "Change doesn’t happen until you stand up and rock the boat. We can’t heal our problem if we don’t acknowledge its existence" (Keung, 1997). Mayor Cousens responded by stating his disappointment that his competitor did not appreciate how much Council had achieved in race relations over those two years (Keung, 1997). What the election proved was that despite efforts by many in Markham to move past the conflict, tensions have not disappeared in the community.

As was explained in Chapter Two, the case studies in this research were evaluated on four grounds: (1) participation in public decision-making; (2) democratic equality; (3) social structures and associations; and (4) solidarity and tolerance. Each of these criterion will be examined below in the context of the Markham case.

In Markham, the relationship between politicians, planners, developers and the public functioned within traditional channels of communication. Developers put applications before the planning department, Council debated them, and the public was involved at points in the process through structured public meetings. Citizens participated in the local planning process when invited: either by politicians looking for a reaction or comment, or by planners through advertised public meetings. Planning, in other words, was done exclusively within the confines of the formal planning process.

Communication was strongest between the politicians and the planners who shared a pro-development agenda (developer interest C-M, 1997). As one developer explained:

In the case of retail condominium developments, however, some saw the role politicians took in the planning process as an unnecessary complication. As an architect who worked on the first Asian mall built in Markham argued:

Public participation in Markham was overwhelmingly reactive. During the interviews done for this research, it was repeatedly pointed out by elected officials, planners, business people and residents that this planning process was judged to be normal, expected and even highly efficient. In fact, participation in local decision-making was described by those interviewed only within the confines of the formal process orchestrated by the planning department and Council. As one elected official offered:

While others did not characterize the planning process as being so simple or smooth, even the most active residents pressed for changes within the formal framework. Community interests in Markham were unquestionably funneled through a decision-making structure that was headed by Council and the planning department.

Community interests represented a variety of perspectives and positions with the development planning process. For example, a multicultural mix of developers and owners initiated the planning process by approaching the planning department to gain approval for their retail condominiums. The actual buyers of the units, predominantly new immigrants from Asia, did not have a direct role in the planning process, although it was the presence of retail condominiums that at least in part sparked political opposition within the community. Participation of the wider community took place at presentations made at Council meetings, and in the community debates that occurred within local media. The work of the Advisory Committee, in particular, drew public participation in the presentations it heard and the open public meetings it held. As one elected official explained:

While public meetings were considered an adequate way of informing the public of local development changes, however, they were never expected to bring all or even a majority of people into the process itself. As one member of Council described:

As anyone with any experience at public participation exercises will attest, a planning process that does involve large numbers of interested individuals is rare, and so the Markham experience of minimal participation within the wider community is not unusual. What is important to note is that many of those interviewed acknowledged that there was a difference in participation between the current population (including both immigrants and Canadian-born) and the most recent newcomers. Whether because of a matter of preference, available opportunities, or comfort level on the part of the newcomers, Markham residents, business people, planners and politicians alike described a separation of the new Asian immigrants from the rest of the community. Interestingly, statistics indicate that despite the large numbers of Chinese immigrants that have entered suburban society throughout the greater Toronto area, there seems to be a reluctance on their part to get involved in suburban politics. (Vincent, 1997).

Due to the formal nature of the planning process, ensuring adequate representation seemed to be the responsibility of the municipality. In particular, the Mayor, his Council and the planning department were said to be the community’s representatives in local decision-making. What interests did the municipality represent? The most overt interest of Markham politicians and planners was residential and commercial development. Business people and residents in the community reflected a suburban mentality that not only supported such a pro-development stance, but often listed this as a primary reason for having located in Markham. This is not to claim that everyone in Markham would have supported increased development. It was, after all, the perceived over-development of residential and commercial projects seen to cater to the new Asian population that the Deputy Mayor was speaking about in her controversial remarks.

In the Markham case study, local decision-making was deemed the purview of the municipality and therefore the Mayor, Council and the planning department had the greatest influence over the planning process surrounding retail condominium developments. As one business person offered:

Some went as far as to insist that the municipality, and in particular the elected politicians, were the only ones with any legitimacy to speak for the community’s interest (elected official B-M, 1997).

Developers also had a great deal of influence over the planning process in Markham. Although the local politicians and planners were pro-development, it was individual developers who brought forward the applications for Asian malls they wanted to locate in Markham. It was developers who initiated the formal planning process for the creation of the malls. These developers, however, were motivated by a host of economic factors, including the municipality’s efforts to sustain a favourable development climate, and the potential profit the retail condominiums promised (interested party C-M, 1997; resident B-M, 1997).

One final source of influence in Markham’s planning process was the indirect pressure of Asian immigrants and the market potential they posed as retail consumers and potential retail unit owners (business interest A-M, 1997). As one active community resident argued:

The community’s power within local decision-making was much more limited. The community reacted to the development of Asian malls within a planning process where politicians and planners were working to encourage development, and individual developers were presenting applications for this new form of commercial retail. The influence the community did have can be attributed to the effort the Mayor made to bring the diverse groups in Markham together through the Advisory Committee’s public consultation and subsequent report. When concerns were raised by individuals, they tended to be over parking, traffic, noise and the like and were dealt with by the planning department on a site-specific basis.

The possibility for a more pro-active and powerful role by the public did exist, however. Organizations such as ratepayers’ associations or ethnocultural associations in Markham could have come forward to represent community interests even within the formal planning process. For example, the Federation of Ratepayers in Markham, an umbrella organization of ratepayer groups, had represented a common front on planning issues in the past when resident interests were perceived to be ignored. In the case of the Asian malls, however, the idea of increased development was generally supported, and the malls were never seen to be harming the majority of Markham residents (resident C-M, 1997). The malls were not perceived as an "opportunity" for the community, and therefore did not garner community-wide interest. Where the community at large in Markham was most affected was in the controversial comments made by the Deputy Mayor -- thus community concern was not directed at the planning issue of retail condominium development, but rather the actions of a specific politician.

Seen in the political tensions the Deputy Mayor’s comments sparked, ethnocultural differences form a strong cleavage within Markham. Some of these differences manifest themselves geographically: north Markham is the older part of Markham and is dominated by Anglo-Saxon, Canadian-born residents; south Markham has been the location of most recent development, and is home to Markham’s multiculturally mixed population (resident B-M, 1997).

These ethnocultural differences, however, are not structured by associations in the community, at least within local decision-making processes. For example, in the presentations made before the Mayor’s Advisory Committee, Markham’s ethnocultural diversity was evident yet people did not speak on behalf of, say, the Italian community or the East Indian community, but rather as concerned residents of Markham (interested party B-M, 1997). Delegations from local Filipino and Chinese Associations were the exception here, and as one Committee member suggested, this may have been due to the fact that it was the Asian community that had felt most "wronged" by the Deputy Mayor’s comments and therefore felt the need to respond collectively (interested party B-M, 1997).

Furthermore, in the case of Asian mall developments, the planning process cannot be reduced to a race relations issue. Community members from ethnoculturally diverse backgrounds were often found on the same side, expressing very ordinary planning concerns about increased traffic or parking. In fact, as the planning example of the Asian malls illustrates, some of the conflict was between established Markham residents (a multicultural mix including established immigrants) and newcomers (recent immigrants). Moreover, even the most visible ethnic groups were not homogeneous: although some long-time residents would refer to the "Chinese immigrants" as a single group, the ethnically Chinese in Markham differentiated themselves according to the period of their immigration into Canada (i.e. recent arrivals vs. more established immigrants), their language, and their home region. As one elected official admitted:

Associations are more obvious in Markham’s economy, where business associations represent the various corporate head offices and high technology companies located in the municipality. Many of these associations differentiate along technology and non-technology lines (interested party A-M, 1996), although ethnocultural differences combine with business interests to further subdivide this sphere. For example, there are two technology associations, one that is primarily Anglo-Saxon (York Technology Association), and one that is Chinese (Canada Chinese Computer Association) (elected official A-M, 1997). Similarly, there are several general business associations (such as the Markham Board of Trade, the Richmond Hill and Markham Chinese Business Association, the Markham Chinese Business Association, and the Markham Scarborough Chinese Business Association) that are differentiated by the ethnicity of their membership. Here again, however, the large Chinese community is differentiated within itself, having three different Chinese business associations which some suggest do not cooperate with each other and function very independently (elected official A-M, 1997).

Associations continue to play a vital part in the community even as Markham has grown and become increasingly multicultural. Ethnocultural diversity can be found in a variety of spheres of local community life, including business associations, ratepayers’ and residents’ associations, and social service, charity and fund-raising organizations. Many of the established immigrants have entered these organizations over the years as they became settled in the community (interested party B-M, 1997; resident B-M, 1997).

With the most recent newcomers from Asia, however, this process of community integration has not readily occurred. One might argue that this discontinuity is to be expected, given the time it takes for new groups to adjust to new surroundings and integrate into an existing community. What is interesting, however, is that in many cases parallel associations and organizations have been created by and for these new community members (elected official A-M, 1997). It seems that these newcomers are not so much having trouble adjusting to their new surroundings, as they are reluctant to integrate into the social fabric of the community -- a fact lamented by those working to integrate Markham. This was most vividly represented in the political crisis that erupted out of the Deputy Mayor’s comments. As one concerned resident explained:

As this chapter revealed, cleavages within the community are evident between residents (both Canadian-born and immigrants) and newcomers, and between Anglo-Saxons and Chinese. Manifested in the planning process through concerns over garbage, odour, traffic, and signage, new immigration in Markham has become increasingly visible and emphasizes the community’s differences along lines of ethnicity, culture, citizenship and period of immigration.

Some long-time residents of Markham would undoubtedly point to a nostalgic small town identity in describing their community. With increased immigration, however, this has given way to the suburban realities of the present -- Markham is a community that is economically dynamic and ethnoculturally diverse. Unlike the academic critics of the suburban lifestyle, those who have chosen to live and work in Markham readily identify their suburban identity with a source of pride. For example:

This affinity for a suburban lifestyle is one factor which seemed to bridge the strong ethnocultural cleavages present in Markham: "People who live here want to be in the GTA [Greater Toronto Area]. They choose Markham for space, access, lifestyle... it addresses the needs of more than one cultural group" (interested party A-M, 1996). This sentiment was echoed by an immigrant local business person:

The degree to which this affinity for a suburban lifestyle can be translated into a sense of community in Markham is questionable, however. In talking with local politicians, quality of life (fostered by recreation and cultural programs, theatre, community centres, schools, sporting facilities, and the like) are directly equated with a sense of community (elected official A-M, 1997). Meanwhile residents and business people are just as likely to deny the existence of a collective Markham community identity. "Right now I really don’t see there is a very strong, community-minded loyalty... Right now I don’t see a whole lot of identification of Markham," explained one Markham business person (business interest A-M, 1997).

Immigration has changed the multicultural composition of the community and forced an adjustment on the part of newcomers and established residents alike. When this new diversity began to take on an identifiable form in the economic life of the community, unresolved tensions came to the fore. As the architect for Markham’s first Asian mall explained:

Furthermore, as the new immigrants who came to Markham had money to create their own businesses and social structures, their self-imposed isolation was seen by some as more threatening than the integrative patterns of earlier groups of immigrants. Canadian-born residents of Markham were not alone in questioning the ways of these newcomers. As an immigrant business person stated:

The development of retail condominiums focused community tensions between residents and newcomers, and revealed the distance the community had to go before it could come to terms with its demographic transformation. Moreover, ethnocultural diversity has affected parts of Markham to differing degrees and at different rates of change. Despite these challenges, some people in Markham continue to look for signs of a collective coming-together. Others also expressed the hope that a degree of solidarity could be fostered amidst this diversity. Those within the business community were especially quick to point out that Markham benefits from a diversity of business interests, education levels, and viewpoints in addition to ethnocultural diversity -- features that have proven to be selling points in Markham’s economic development (developer interest B-M, 1997). As described by one active community member:

Tensions have emerged in Markham due to rapid immigration and a corresponding demographic shift in the community’s composition. Tolerance is something that those who live and work in Markham continue to strive for, requiring adjustments both on the part of established residents who are witnessing massive change in their community, as well as the recent newcomers.

Unfortunately in Markham, negotiating what membership and belonging in the community means amidst its new-found ethnocultural diversity has resulted in a messy political battle. According to many in Markham, the Mayor’s Advisory Committee and its subsequent report was an important political gesture in quieting things down, but did little to resolve the community’s actual internal conflicts. As one Committee member admitted:

Is Markham a more tolerant community today? The evidence from this research would suggest not, although many in the community believe Markham is moving in the right direction by encouraging communication (elected official B-M, 1997; elected official A-M, 1997; interested party B-M, 1997). In a community that is working out the growing pains of rapid demographic change, where community members are forced to live with their new residential and commercial neighbours or move out, tolerance may be more than what is currently possible. For those active in the community, however, the real challenge is not in rooting out intolerance but rather in building solidarity within the community that everyone in Markham can value and be proud of. As one resident summarized:

Markham has experienced tremendous growth and demographic change in recent years, and this trend is offering no signs of easing. With this growth has come an educated, middle-class, professional group of immigrants, attracted to the suburban lifestyle and opportunities available in Canadian communities such as Markham. In fact, Markham intends to continue to market itself internationally, using the slogan "Doing it Right" as it moves into the next century (Town of Markham Economic Development Office, 1995b).

Retail condominium developments are continuing to be built in the region (interested party C-M, 1997), however, many developers who were active in this alternative commercial market in the early 1990s are not intending to build new malls for fear the specialized target market may soon be saturated (developer interest A-M, 1997; developer interest B-M, 1997). Those that are built are often choosing to go with a split between conventional rented stores and retail condominium units, or with a mix of tenants and/or owners beyond the Asian market (developer interest B-M, 1997).

Questions also remain as to the long-term future of the many retail condominium developments that have been built. Will Canadian mainstream retailers some day take over these stores, choosing to buy rather than rent space? Will current Asian immigrant store owners become future landlords, renting out their mall space to new retailers when the demographic character of the community once again shifts? Such questions illustrate how increased diversity necessitates an approach to planning that moves beyond a strictly technical definition, to one that acknowledges the social, economic, and political challenges of land use. Markham planners have decided that flexibility and adaptability will be key tools in managing these challenges in the future.

This chapter and Chapter Five explored how ethnocultural diversity challenges participation and belonging in an urban and a suburban context using the criteria introduced in Chapter Two. The next chapter draws some conclusions from this evidence by comparing the two case studies, and addresses the notion of "multicultural planning".

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